Bandie Communication to: UN Working Group on Discrimination Against Women and Girls August 20, 2020

 

Communication to: UN Working Group on Discrimination Against Women and Girls: Expert Members Ms. Elizabeth Broderick, Ms. AldaFacio, Ms. Ivana Radačić, Ms. MeskeremGesetTechane, and Ms. Melissa Upreti

 

From: Bandie, Global Network for Movement on Japanese Military “Comfort Women” Issues[1] bandieforjustice@gmail.com

 

We submit this communication for your consideration and request the WGDAWG to speak out on two issues of urgent concern: 1) to the government of the Republic of Korea: regarding the harassment by prosecution and media against women’s human rights organizations working to resolve Japanese military sexual slavery issue; 2) and to the government of Japan: regarding their effort to redress the Japanese military sexual slavery issue and invigorate discourses that would contribute to this effort.

This communication is issued in response to current urgent issues that have emerged recently in regard to the movement for justice for survivors of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan.

 

Background and Summary of Issue

In March of 2020, Yoon Meehyang, who was the Chair of the Board of the Korean Council for Justice and Remembrance for the Issues of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan, stepped down from her position in order to run for the National Assembly. She was elected on April 15th and has been in office since May 30th. Lee Yong-soo, who has worked since 1992 with the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan and the Korean Council for Justice and Remembrance for the Issues of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan, held a press conference on May 7th, 2020.[2] She expressed the sense of a painful void provoked by having her long-time colleague Yoon Meehyang leave the Korean Council as she was elected to the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea, and shared her vision for the movement’s future. 

Korean right-wing media began to pour out reports making groundless accusations of corruption against the Korean Council. Based on these accusations, multiple right-wing organizations reported Yoon and the Korean Council for embezzlement and misappropriation to the Public Prosecutor’s Office. Most of these accusations have been found to be untrue, and the Press Arbitration Commission has ordered the press to either delete or issue corrections on the 11 articles that created the most heated attention by the public.[3]

The Korean Council for Justice and Remembrance for the Issues of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan posted information daily to provide facts and notified their plan to go through a third-party audit. On May 20th and 21st, however, the prosecution obtained and enforced search warrants for the office of the Korean Council, and Peaceful Our Home, a care home supported by the Korean Council, where a survivor was residing at the time. Already wounded by the baseless accusations from the media, the search procedures exacerbated the emotional and psychological devastation experienced by the activists who committed themselves to restoring dignity and human rights to the victims. On June 6th, Sohn Young-mi, the director of Peaceful Our Home was found dead having committed suicide according to the police report. Multiple other activists working for the Korean Council are getting or are in need of psychotherapy and/or psychiatric help.

For over 28 years, survivors and their supporters have persistently urged the Japanese government for the resolution of the Japanese military sexual slavery issue, but the Japanese government and right-wing groups have attacked survivors and activists with hate-speeches and false information against this activism and neglected the issue itself. Recent controversies on the suspicions against the activists and organization for the issue have triggered backlashes against the urges on all the efforts for the issue to dampen the spirits of activism, leading it into jeopardy. Therefore, we request the WGDAWG communicate with the Korean government and the Japanese government and to make a statement regarding the following issues:

First, the Korean government must make certain that the prosecution’s investigation of the Korean Council is being conducted in accordance with prudent and legitimate procedural guidelines. Enabling the prosecution to enforce a broad and invasive investigation against human rights organizations based on factually problematic accusations can easily become a tactic to legitimize aggression against human rights activists and civil society.

Second, the Korean government must consider adopting institutional measures to address the media practices through which false news reports are made as a strategy to undermine the movement on the “comfort women” issues. According to current regulations, orders from the Press Arbitration Commission and the Korea Communications Standards Commission to the news media for reports that are not duly investigated or present false or misleading information tend to be passive measures, which have little effect on readers and viewers and do little to stem the flow of false information and attacks on the character and integrity of individuals and organizations involved defending human rights.

Third, while current circumstances may seem like a domestic problem, it is crucial to acknowledge that the most urgent and pressing factor contributing to the situation is the lack of effort from the Japanese government to resolve the Japanese military “comfort women” issues. The demand for a just resolution with the Japanese government’s active role in recognizing its legal responsibilities, making reparations, and creating reflexive history education should be emphasized once again. The Japanese government must first and foremost cease collaborating with those who lobby the international community to deny the “comfort women” issues, such as Japanese organizations who continue to lobby at the Human Rights Council and in other United Nations forums to erase or retract previously issued reports and resolutions regarding this issue.

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Issues: Prosecution’s investigation and false news reports on women’s human rights organizations, and justification of historical revisionism.

Key Issues:

1.    Prosecution’s invasive investigation of women’s human rights organizations

1)    Capitalizing on the initial press conference held by Lee Young-soo[4], conservative news media in Korea created baseless embezzlement and misappropriation allegations against the Korean Council, major organizations conducting a three-decade-long women’s human rights movement. Multiple right-wing groups, in turn, reported the Korean Council to the prosecution based on these reports.

2)    Prosecutor General of South Korea Yoon Seok-yeol directed the prosecutors to conduct “a speedy investigation on every allegation provided by the media.”[5] His remark suggests that the criminal investigation is being conducted based on allegations made by news reports that were not substantiated with any factual circumstances or evidence.

3)    The procedures of the investigation on the Korean Council and Peaceful Our Home were problematic for reasons that follow.

(1)   Legal guidelines for search and seizure stipulate that the procedures have to be conducted within a minimal range according to specified criminal charges. Yet the prosecution designated the widest range of the organization’s documents in order to investigate as many allegations as had appeared in the news reports. Such a decision is against the search and seizure principles.

(2)   Execution of search and seizure at night should be limited to cases in which a search that began during the day necessitates extra hours at night. The prosecution, however, began its search of the office of the Korean Council around 5p.m. and continued it until the next morning. This suggests that the execution of search and seizure violate the basic human rights principles.

(3)   A search and seizure warrant is to be granted by the court after a consideration of whether there is a suspicion of an offense and whether there is a need to collect evidence and conduct a criminal investigation. Since the purpose of this investigation could have been a broad range of allegations created by the news media, it is necessary to ensure that the aforementioned conditions for the court’s grant were satisfied.

(4)   The Korean Council argued that the search and seizure at Peaceful Our Home ignored the human rights guidelines created for criminal investigations. The documents at Peaceful Our Home were evidentiary materials for the records the prosecution previously took from the office, and the Korean Council had already made it clear that they would submit these documents to the prosecution.[6] The prosecution was aware of the fact that one of the survivors, Gil Won-ok, was residing at Peaceful Our Home, yet still disregarded the Korean Council’s agreement to cooperate when it enforced the search and seizure warrant.[7]

4)    The invasive investigation including the search and seizure was devastating to a number of activists who have committed themselves to the movement for decades. The 60-year-old head of Peaceful Our Home Sohn Young-mi, who lamented that her entire life seemed to be denied by the search and seizure, was found to have committed suicide at her home on June 6th. Many other activists and staff members working for the Korean Council have also expressed significant emotional impact and are in need of psychological and/or psychiatric treatment.

2.    Lack of institutional measures to address malign news reports against the Japanese military “comfort women” issues and the related movement

1)    Since the press conference held by Lee Young-soo, conservative news media in Korea produced a number of reports about unsubstantiated corruption allegations against the women’s human rights organizations in the movement regardless of their truthfulness. Most of the news reports that had initially created the allegations and drawn public attention were found to be untrue and the providers were ordered to delete or publish brief corrections by the Press Arbitration Commission.[8]

2)    Many news articles presented the unsubstantiated claims of Lee as evidence that the movement can no longer be trusted by the public, without taking into account the truth of the allegations, or the other survivors in the movement. Many of them also directly insulted the victims, survivors, and/or activists by producing allegations that do not have any truthful grounds and/or deny the history of Japanese military “comfort women.”[9] Those who are involved and/or ally with women’s human rights movements have expressed grave concerns regarding these baseless reports.[10]

3)    News reporters’ harassment has been causing grave emotional distress to the activists related to the movement as well. Not only making activists’ daily work practically impossible due to endless calls to the office, reporters also camped outside the office and the Peaceful Our Home, taking photos, filming and barging in without any consent.[11] Reporters did not even respect the privacy of the late Sohn and her family after her passing, failing to observe guidelines on reporting suicide cases. Reporters again took illegal photos and video footage of the funeral and attendees, and even filmed the late Sohn’s house. Conservative party politician Gwak Sang-do and media also revealed gruesome and excessive details regarding the method of suicide. Further, the right-wing organizations’ anti-protests against the Wednesday Demonstration have exacerbated, bashing the Korean Council activists who have spent their life with her as “murderers.”

4)    The measures provided by the Press Arbitration Commission, however, tend to remain quite passive. Even when false news reports are deleted and/or corrected, most viewers are not aware of these proceedings because these deletions or corrections are executed in the least noticeable manner by the media outlets. As the National Assembly Research Services suggests, a series of more effective institutional measures is necessary in order to address news reports that are based on unsubstantiated information or malicious intent.

3.    Lack of effort by the Japanese government to implement recommendations from the international community

1)    Although the Japanese government’s lack of effort to redress the Japanese military sexual slavery issue is a prolonged problem,[12] it is also an urgent one contributing to the current situation in Korea. The backlashes against the movement and activists/organizations come from the need to let the Japanese government escape its responsibilities. The ultimate beneficiary would be the Japanese government as well if the movement were to be undermined due to the aggression.

2)    The Japanese government, however, not only has been failing to actively make the effort to resolve the issue, but also has denied its full responsibility. According to the responses to questions posed by the CEDAW,[13] the Japanese government not only officially denies its responsibilities in the “forceful taking away” of Japanese military “comfort women,” but also makes it clear that there is no plan to make reparations. In addition, it stated that it is not willing to look for ways to create better history education materials for students. Regardless of its obligation to remember and put effort into not repeating the crimes against human rights that were conducted by the state, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sees later generations’ acknowledging and apologizing for the crimes as problematic in itself.[14]

3)    While a number of revisionist individuals and organizations based in Japan reject the Japanese government’s responsibility, they also stand opposed to the basic historical truth. For instance, they stood against the resolution on this issue from the U.S. House of Representatives and the European Parliament,[15] and opposed recommendations from the UN. In May, a letter was sent to the UN Human Rights Council by one of the historical revisionist organizations insisting that the UN must abrogate all of the historical truth it had verified as well as international efforts to redress the suffering.[16] It is also noteworthy that these claims often involve not only the denial of the history of Japanese military “comfort women,” but also hate speech against women and other Asians including Koreans.

4)    Since 2014, the Japanese government has allocated a considerable amount of its budget to spreading their position on issues related to its history and territories. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in 2020, appropriated 74.2 billion JPY for “strategic communications and expansion of Japanese experts.” Some of this is spent on distorting and/or denying the issues related to Japanese military “comfort women.” The Consulate-General of Japan in New York, for instance, commissioned an American public relations consulting company to summarize writings produced by academics who deny the issues, and the Japanese government has been found lobbying against the issues through renowned law firms in the U.S.[17] The investment by the Japanese government into those who deny and distort the history works in complete opposition to a number of recommendations made by CEDAW, CAT, CESCR, CCPR, CERD and the Human Rights Council through the UPR.

 

Appendix

A: Press conference held by Lee Yong-soo and her relationship with the Korean Council

In the midst of this situation, Lee Yong-soo and the Korean Council are maintaining a cooperative relationship. At a meeting between Lee Yong-soo and Chair of the Board Lee Na-young, they agreed to participate in local Wednesday demonstrations, work together to resolve Japanese military “comfort women” issues, and educate younger generations in Korea and Japan. The survivor has been adamant, both in her talks and interviews with the press, that the Japanese government owes a sincere apology and reparations to the victims. Lee Yong-soo and the Korean Council also see eye to eye in terms of the need for educational programs regarding the history of the Japanese military “comfort women.” Recent speeches Lee made to the press, therefore, should be understood with compassion for the anger she feels about the reality in which a just resolution of the issues still seems far away despite three decades of movement that shares her painful experiences.

B: Summary of recommendations by the United Nations

1)      1996 Report by UN Special Rapporteur on VAW

Full text:  https://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/commission/country52/53-add1.htm

IX. RECOMMENDATIONS

The Special Rapporteur wishes to make the following recommendations which aim at the discharge of her mandate in a spirit of cooperation with the Governments concerned and at trying to understand the phenomenon of military sexual slavery in wartime within the wider framework of violence against women, its causes and consequences. The Special Rapporteur counts, in particular, on the cooperation of the Government of Japan, which has already shown, in discussions with the Special Rapporteur, its openness and willingness to act to render justice to the few surviving women victims of military sexual slavery carried out by the Japanese Imperial Army.

A. At the national level

The Government of Japan should:

(a) Acknowledge that the system of comfort stations set up by the Japanese Imperial Army during the Second World War was a violation of its obligations under international law and accept legal responsibility for that violation;

(b) Pay compensation to individual victims of Japanese military sexual slavery according to principles outlined by the Special Rapporteur of the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities on the right to restitution, compensation and rehabilitation for victims of grave violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. A special administrative tribunal for this purpose should be set up with a limited time-frame since many of the victims are of a very advanced age;

(c) Make a full disclosure of documents and materials in its possession with regard to comfort stations and other related activities of the Japanese Imperial Army during the Second World War;

(d) Make a public apology in writing to individual women who have come forward and can be substantiated as women victims of Japanese military sexual slavery;

(e) Raise awareness of these issues by amending educational curricula to reflect historical realities;

(f) Identify and punish, as far as possible, perpetrators involved in the recruitment and institutionalization of comfort stations during the Second World War.

B. At the international level

Non-governmental organizations working at the international level should continue to raise these issues within the United Nations system. There should also be an attempt to seek an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice or the Permanent Court of Arbitration.

The Governments of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea may consider requesting the International Court of Justice to help resolve the legal issues concerning Japanese responsibility and payment of compensation for the "comfort women".

The Special Rapporteur urges the Government of Japan in particular to take into account and act upon the above recommendations at the soonest possible time, bearing in mind the advanced age of the surviving women, as well as the fact that 1995 is the fiftieth anniversary of the ending of the Second World War. The Special Rapporteur feels that not only have fifty years passed since the end of the war but that it is time to restore the dignity of those women who have suffered so much.

2)      1998 Report by UN Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Slavery

Full text: Please see page 43 of the PDF here

https://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/demo/ContemporaryformsofSlavery_McDougall.pdf

3)      ICCPR (2014)  CCPR/C/JPN/CO/6

Sexual slavery practices against “comfort women”

The Committee is concerned by the State party’s contradictory position that the “comfort women” were not “forcibly deported” by Japanese military during wartime but that the “recruitment, transportation and management” of women in comfort stations was done in many cases against their will, through coercion and intimidation by the military or entities acting on behalf of the military. The Committee considers that any such acts carried out against the will of the victims are sufficient to consider them as human rights violations involving the direct legal responsibility of the State party. The Committee is also concerned about revictimization of the former “comfort women” by attacks on their reputations, including by public officials, and some that are encouraged by the State party’s equivocal position. The Committee takes into account information that all claims for reparation brought by victims before Japanese courts have been dismissed, and all complaints to seek criminal investigation and prosecution against perpetrators have been rejected on the ground of the statute of limitations. The Committee considers that this situation reflects ongoing violations of the victims’ human rights, as well as a lack of effective remedies available to them as victims of past human rights violations (arts. 2, 7 and 8).

The State party should take immediate and effective legislative and administrative measures to ensure:

(a)           That all allegations of sexual slavery or other human rights violations perpetrated by the Japanese military during wartime against the “comfort women” are effectively, independently and impartially investigated and that perpetrators are prosecuted and, if found guilty, punished;

(b)          Access to justice and full reparation to victims and their families;

(c)           The disclosure of all available evidence;

(d)          Education of students and the general public about the issue, including adequate references in textbooks;

(e)           The expression of a public apology and official recognition of the responsibility of the State party;

(f)           Condemnation of any attempts to defame victims or to deny the events.

4)      CEDAW/C/JPN/CO/6:  CEDAW Forty-fourth session 20 July-7 August 2009 (Japan)

37. The Committee notes that some steps were taken by the State party to address the situation of “comfort women” but regrets the State party’s failure to find a lasting solution for the situation of “comfort women” victimized during the Second World War and expresses concern at the deletion of references to this issue in school textbooks.

38. The Committee reiterates its recommendation that the State party urgently endeavour to find a lasting solution for the situation of “comfort women” which would include the compensation of victims, the prosecution of perpetrators and the education of the public about these crimes.

5)      UPR Recommendations (Japan 2012 Review - A/HRC/22/14)

147.145. Recognize its legal responsibility for the issue of the so-called „comfort women‟ and take appropriate measures acceptable to the victims, as recommended by the relevant international community (Republic of Korea);

147.146. Face up to and reflect on its past and present a responsible interface to the international community by making apologies on the issue of comfort women and giving compensation to its victims (China);

147.147. Acknowledge its responsibility for the issue of "comfort women" used during World War II, and take steps to restore the dignity of victims and compensate them adequately (Costa Rica);

147.148. Accept legal responsibility for and address, once and for all, the Japanese military sexual slavery and other violations committed in the past in other Asian countries including Korea (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea);

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/UPR/Pages/JPSession14.aspx

6)      Statement of former UN High Commissioner of Human Rights, Navi Pillay, on CW Issue (2014)

Full text:   http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14920&LangID=E

7)      Statement by the UN Working Group on discrimination against women and girls on the bilateral agreement between the Republic of Korea and Japan, 2016 https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=17209&LangID=E



[1]Bandie is a network of feminist researchers and activists based in Korea, Japan, and the United States who ally with the movement to resolve the issue of Japanese military sexual slavery. Bandie was formed in the midst of the problematic accusations against the movement in South Korea, with a concern that there are not enough outlets from which international audiences can collect truth-based information on the movement and the allegations. We hope to contribute to a critical global discourse on the Japanese military “comfort women” issue and the related movement in multiple languages for those who are interested in the issue around the globe.

[4] See Appendix A.

[5] His remark was directly quoted by multiple Korean news reports. See http://www.ilyosisa.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=218043

[8]As of August 13th, 2020, the number of news reports that were ordered for deletion or correction is 11.

[12]There have been a number of recommendations, statements, and resolutions made by the international community regarding this issue.[12]Recommendations are clear: to acknowledge the history and its legal responsibilities and make a sincere apology to those suffering, pay reparations to the victims, and create more reflexive history education programs. See Appendix B for a summary of recommendations from the UN.

[13]“Responses to the List of Issues and Questions with regard to the consideration of the Seventh and Eighth Periodic Reports (Japan).” pp.23-24.

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